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Chile: “Action and solidarity are urgent. All the rest are excuses.”
Inter Arma received:
Reflections about the advance of repression in Chile.
Propagating solidarity with Juan, Nataly and Guillermo.
(Written By Sin Banderas Ni Fronteras)
1. And there we go again. Because the war continues.
After an accumulative cycle of street agitation, mass mobilisations and expansion of social conflicts in Chile, power has tried to generate mechanisms favouring the continuity and the reinforcement of the model of democratic domination.
The government on duty has used various tactics allowing to progressively nullify the discontent ss to avoid the cracks in the questioned social order to spread or become deeper. The mass mobilisations which questioned the economic and social model produced in dictatorship were answered by proposals of social reform recuperating the slogans of the protest movements, including them as part of the solutions configured from out of the State. The critiques against the “political elite” were answered by “opening up” the parliamentary rooms for social and student leaders. The critiques against the “old politics behind closed doors” were answered by organizing round tables of dialogue with citizens’ organisations as to co-opt the demands and strengthen the democratic and participatory image of the State. These things were implemented together with other measures trying to broaden social consensus, weaken the questioning of the dominant order and secure a new cycle of the country’s governability.
But foreseeing future crises of the model of capitalist-democratic domination, this “social agenda” of the State was accompanied by a parallel repressive policy aiming at the isolation and punishment of the radicalised sectors propagating no-negotiation, intransigence and confrontation with the existing order. This has already been explained and analysed by other comrades.
We would like to deepen out an aspect related to this last point, concerning the configuration of a new counterinsurgency policy aiming at the annihilation of all radical questioning of domination. The political and experimental priority of this policy is nowadays the offensive against the most combative anarchist circles, the ones that wage for insurrection and the polymorphous offensive against all forms of authority. We, individuals fighting for freedom and an antiauthoritarian nucleus for agitation and propaganda, come from these circles.
In this text we take the time to reflect. We do not want to repeat the things that have already been said, but we insist on reaffirming our attitudes of war, expressing our position in the middle of a new context of growing repression. We believe this is a key moment in the continuity of the struggle against the capitalist-authoritarian social order in our territory. Therefore it is important to give ourselves the necessary time and analyse the reality we are living in to give strength to the expansion of the polymorphous attack against the system of domination and to sharpen positions between those who are fighting.
Therefore, first of all, the ideas we are expressing here spring forth out of the heat of the practice of anarchy and above all want to reflect on “how to continue”, without falling into the immobility the enemy is looking for, or in simplistic lectures which get overwhelmed by a dynamic and permanently changing context.
2. Democratic dominion in Chile and its counterrevolutionary offspring.
To avoid a crisis of the institutional order and to secure a new cycle for the model of democratic domination, the current counterinsurgency policy of the Chilean State was developed in commissions and security summits using the new wave of incendiary-explosive attacks showing an increase in the year 2014 in comparison to last two years, as an excuse.
Picking up the repressive teachings of the civil-military dictatorships of the last half of the century and their continuities under democratic regimes, the Chilean State has made his own experience – with good moves and mistakes – first with the disarticulation of the Marxist subversion, and more recently with attempts to annihilate the autonomous-anti-authoritarian insurrection. Power is today giving birth to a new counterinsurgency policy by grabbing the hand of various already known tactics, bringing together old and new methods, today configured in a model that can be applied to the current needs of domination.
To enforce selective repression against specific belligerent groups which exist today and those who might come in the future, the Chilean State is reconfiguring and strengthening its intelligence apparatus, trying to grant more authority to his police and include the figure of the undercover cop to infiltrate antagonistic groups, with a priority on what they call “insurrectional anarchism”. They try to obtain information about the struggle circles, look for proof as to put comrades in prison. They also try to favour armed operations, instigated by undercover cops and “monitored” by the police which drag the comrades into the claws of repression. With this they also try to feed distrust between comrades, isolation between groups and moral and material weakening of the forces hostile to power.
At the same time, the repressive apparatus is strengthening itself in its juridical dimension, to be able to impose more years of prison to those who are detained during actions of antagonist violence, reinforcing the Law on Firearms and the antiterrorist law, putting things into place as to ensure that in the future any act that puts the stability of the social order in danger can be crushed by the legal machinery of power.
All this has been taking shape in the preceding months in combination with a communicational deployment trying to clear out the terrain for repressive operations, fomenting collective panic with the created figure of the “terrorist”, generating consensus as to ensure that repression can advance without any questioning by a part of the population. With the media bombardment of images and headlines on the “terrorist threat”, power is getting ready to empty any claim that accompanies the violent action against the established order of its political and revolutionary content.
This procedure is known, but has been strengthened in the current times, positions the mass media not as an accessory of the plans of power, but rather as a new occupation army which aims at penetrating the minds and behaviour of the masses.
3. About an action that generated debates to sharpen our objectives.
As is already known, the 8th of September 2014, an extinguisher with black powder exploded in the corridor of a commercial gallery in a metro station in Las Condes. The act generated a lot of confusion, because 12 persons were wounded, something which was easily assimilated by power to feed the “antiterrorist” hysteria and insert by shock means the idea into people’s mind that terrorism “is just around the corner.”
Other comrades already spoke out and reflected on this action, mainly while the attack remained anonymous and when power easily benefited with the consequences of the act. But then the action was claimed by an anarchist group who said they warned the police some minutes before as they didn’t want to hurt consumers and passers-by, clearing up a bit of the doubts.
About this action and its claim, we share its objective of hitting the powerful and not hurting the passers-by, but we are clear in saying that the chosen place was not a den of the powerful and that one has not foreseen that the taken protective measures would not be sufficient.
Discussing the first thing, the chosen place, has to do with the discussion on the objectives of our struggle: who is our enemy and how to hit him, how do we project the offensive in the time-space, which instruments do we use, when and where etc. This is a responsibility of the anarchist, anti-authoritarian and autonomous-anticapitalist circles in general, because the debate and the reflection up on our polymorphous acting is a indispensible instrument to refine struggle positions, to fill up our empty drifting about and to overcome the weaknesses that any of us could have.
But on the other hand there is as well a sphere which is part of the polymorphous struggle but which is more related to the operative aspect of the actions taken by the direct attack groups: how to move in the city during an action, how to not leave indices, measures of operative security, etc. Concerning this, we are emphatic in expressing that this is the responsibility of those who realise actions or want to contribute to their development, and not of those who criticise with back alley comments pointing out the “errors” of others, but not risking the slightest portion of their lives in the polymorphous struggle against power.
4. Solidarity with the imprisoned comrades is urgent action. All the rest are excuses.
While you are reading this, three comrades find themselves in prison under the accusation of participation in different explosive attacks.
The whole juridical, police and journalist apparatus jumped on the lives of Juan, Nataly and Guillermo who were arrested on the 18th of September with a new televised repressive operation. They haven’t sent out public letters yet, but they are comrades who took a defiant stance towards the cops and the press. At this moment, this is enough for us. Maybe later, when their positions will be spread to the outside, there will be more, less or no affinity, but today the solidarity with the three comrades is something urgent which doesn’t accept excuses.
“I have difficulties to be in solidarity with them because I do not share the action of which they are accused,” some might say, starting from the mistake to consider the comrades “guilty”. “We have to wait first for their public letters before standing in solidarity,” others could put forward, as if the image of Juan shouting “down with the police state” and of the other two comrades coming out of the police station with their heads high while the charges of terrorism where formalised would not be enough.
We stand in solidarity with Juan, Nataly and Guillermo because they are comrades – and not just “individuals” – whose lives are put in prison as a part of the play of power to disarticulate every type of opposition to the order of domination.
And moreover, in a context in which the enemy tries to strengthen itself, solidarity with the comrades in prison should be assumed as a part of our individual and collective responsibility of protagonists in a continuous and polymorphous struggle which refuses to shut up facing the offensives of power.
And it is the offensive and solidarity action – and not the critiques form a comfortable position – which will enable us to overcome difficult moments and strengthen the continuity of the anti-authoritarian struggle in this territory.
5. Once again we will overcome the obstacles by confronting power with polymorphous action.
A surrounding of struggle where debate and reflection are rare or superficial, where friend-ism and self-indulgence reign, where the good intentions and the radical speeches do not materialize in concrete practice, is a surrounding destined to be easily destroyed in its convictions and action perspectives.
We say this because we think that the dialogue and reflection between comrades is urgent today as to ensure that the anarchic acting inscribes itself into processes of which the horizons of permanent confrontation make the struggle advance by building relations of true affinity that go beyond friend-ism, where comrades feel the urgency of action, and equip their projects with hypothesis aiming at the continuity of the conflict despite of the repressive hits.
We will not be terrified and we will continue our propagandistic acting, spreading reflections that emanate from the anti-authoritarian offensive. We will continue to intervene in the grey streets with our propaganda, publishing our intermittent journal, generating communicative bridges with comrades of other territories through translations and information on important events, for brotherly debate and solidarity agitation with the imprisoned comrades. We will not step one millimeter back from the propagation of the confrontation with power in the struggle for freedom, in which all forms of action – from propaganda to armed action – are a contribution if they set out the total destruction of domination.
It is essential to show that the struggle continues with our acting, that nothing has stopped here, that the struggle against authority has not been defeated, while we continue actively and strengthen ourselves.
You can continue the battle as long as you want to fight, and the reflection which reinforces convictions, values and ideas put into practice, is especially important today, as it is on any moment.
Today the moment asks us for urgent offensive action, materialized in street agitation, in sharpening the conflicts which are questioning the social order, in propaganda, debate and wide spreading of the idea of destruction of power, always aiming to expand and reinforce convictions, to strengthen ties of affinity and struggle commitments, feeling the need to create groups and to organize between comrades in affinity with the goal of intervening in the reality from a offensive approach of total liberation.
In short, our individual and collective strength in the coming times will be rooted in the practical outcome that we give to a necessary process of reflection and self-critique which brings us to acquire or reinforce those elements, capacities, knowledge and experiences that enable to support a continuous confrontation, a permanent offensive that is nourished by good moves and bad moves and that doesn’t weaken in front of repressive operations, so that our offensive, and the comrades who decide to throw their lives into the polymorphous struggle against power, do not start off from zero once again.
Therefore every day our life in war is incandescent energy obstructing the free flow of domination.
Because the destruction of the existing order depends on us.
Action and solidarity cannot wait.
Sin Banderas Ni Fronteras, núcleo antiautoritario de agitación y propaganda.
Chile, October 2014.